Free speech or Not Free speech- that is the Question essays

Free discourse or Not Free discourse that is the Question articles Free discourse or Not Free discourse that is the Question Congress will make no law regarding a foundation of religion, or denying the free exercise thereof; or compressing the ability to speak freely, or of the press; or the privilege of the individuals serenely to gather, and to appeal to the administration for a change of complaints. In the United States of America we are talented with twenty seven corrections. The first of these intrinsic rights is the right to speak freely of discourse. Such blessings have the right to be treated with duty and appreciation by residents who value its advantages. Be that as it may, a few people misuse this correct when they utilize sexual, supremacist, and biased slurs tending to others with pernicious words, for example, fag and bitch,Unfortunately, such corrupting terms are currently usually utilized in our general public (Hate). These very individuals who guarantee first revision rights for racial and sexual sobriquets are manhandling and slighting it. The abusers of the First Amendment hurt blameless residents. Harassing,, explicitly verbal tormenting, is far reaching in American schools. Measurements show in excess of 29 percent of O.S. younger students express that they had been tormented (Bullying). This makes a scary and threatening condition for the understudy. As consci ousness of badgering, terrorizing and loathe in the school setting has developed, state governing bodies have started to address this issue also. At any rate 16 states have passed against harassing laws, and comparable measures were considered in 23 states in the 2001-2002 administrative meetings. Right now, 14 councils are thinking about bills that address the issue of tormenting (Tackling). It isn't sufficient, for just 16 states have these laws set up. Each state in this nation needs to have hostile to harrasment laws. As I will show here, it is important and basic that each state has hostile to tormenting laws set up. The issue is the point at which these laws might be in strife with first revision rights. ... <!

The Decision to drop the Atomic Bomb essays

The Decision to drop the Atomic Bomb papers The Decision to Drop the Atomic Bomb On August sixth 1945, the world changed for eternity. The United States dropped the main Atomic bomb over the city of Hiroshima, Japan. The enduring observer Miyoko Watanabe depicts her experience: I came out of the front door...an extraordinary yellow, orange and white light overpowered me... the light was a large number of times more splendid than a magnesium streak gun...I went inside to hide...There were unusual sounds, smashing clamors and shocks, and I monitored the time...I bolted back to perceive how my mother was. She looked more terrible then a shrewd witch. (47) The warmth was insufferable; wherever Miyoko looked there were injured and biting the dust individuals, seeping from all over their bodies like her mother. Miyoko proceeds, The individuals who fled from one or one and a half kilometer from the hypocenter truly had to step over bodies and shake off hands getting a handle on their legs for help. At the point when somebody seized their shoes they simply needed to leave their valuable shoes and escape else they wouldnt survive(49). A companion of Miyoko revealed to her that he needed to leave his sister to kick the bucket in the flares to spare his life. That day, as per the Japan Times, 140,000 kicked the bucket as an immediate aftereffect of the besieging. Later the complete number of casualties guaranteed in Hiroshima City came to 217,137. There would one say one is question that strikes a chord perusing these awful stories from the casualties of Hiroshima; was this vital? Researchers have talked about the inquiry for the greater part a century. In any case, they all concur that the response to this inquiry doesn't utilize nuclear weapons appear to be less great or less horrendous, however it only illuminate it. The fundamental contention guarding the choice to drop the bomb is that it was important to end the war. Richard B. Forthright in his book, Downfall: The End of the Imperial Japanese Empire safeguards the American choice. Depending on a large group of unique narrative sources, most strikingly ... <!

Book Riots Deals of the Day for August 27th, 2019

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Who Is Ultimately Responsible for the Tragedy of Mackbeth

Who is ultimately responsible for the tragedy of Macbeth? It could be said that Macbeth ´s strive for power affects every aspect of his life, and this motivation eventually leads to his demise. Many different factors play a pivotal role in deciding his ill-fated future. With his wife ´s cajoling, and the three witches ´ foretelling of his future, Macbeth, will stop at nothing to gain position as King of Scotland. It could be said that Lady Macbeth is responsible. She bullies him, emotionally blackmails him and knows he is morally sensitive so he must be pushed. She mocks his bravery and knows he is a warrior and will be insulted. When Macbeth is having doubts she says: When you durst do it, then you were a man; And to be more†¦show more content†¦In Shakespeare s time however, the audience would have been really afraid. Could such characters of really been responsible for the tragedy of Macbeth. Shakespeare prompts the audience to ponder whether the witches are crazed hags who are excluded from society whom only speak what they know or are they manipulative. It comes apparent that they can tell the future when one of the witches says Be lion-mettled, proud, and take no care Who chafes, who frets, or where conspirers are; Macbeth shall never vanquished be, until Great Birnam Wood to high Dunsaine Hill Shall come against him. Act IV, Scene I This of course being a prediction of the attack from England. This was misleading information because they tell Macbeth that the only threat he has is if Great Burnam Wood comes to Dunsaine Hill, which doesn t sound possible. However, the witches warn Macbeth of his dimise by warning him: Macbeth! Macbeth! Macbeth! Beware Macduff! Beware the thane of Fife! Dismiss me. Enough. Act IV, Scene I The witches also trick Macbeth into believing he is immortal by saying none of woman born shall harm Macbeth. This, as the reader finds out in the end of the play, really means that no one conventionally born of woman shall kill

How important was the role played by Edwin Chadwick in...

How important was the role played by Edwin Chadwick in improving public health services in the C19th? Edwin Chadwick was important in improving public health as his work illustrated the problems, such as pollution from factories and a lack of clean water, associated with the majority of towns in the Industrial revolution. However, his impact was not the only factor that had influence on public health; other individuals, the government and public attitudes were also significant in changing the public health services throughout the C19th. Chadwick’s first major impact was his 1842 ‘Report on the Sanitary Conditions of the Labouring Population’, in which he showed that the poor were living in dirty, overcrowded areas which caused a huge†¦show more content†¦Governments at that time were extremely careful to avoid any potential increase in taxes as it would result in them eventually losing votes and losing power. However, from 1867 onwards, working men gained the right to vote. This led to governments having to balance public health reforms with any tax increases, as now they had to appeal to both the wealthy and the not so wealthy. Through the 1870s and 1880s, more laws were passed to improve the conditions in towns, one of which was the 1875 Public Health Act. The Public Health Act of 1975 was much more effective than the one made in 1848. Unlike the previous Health Act, this one actually made it compulsory for towns to make some changes to conditions, instead of just making suggestions. Sewers and drains were improved, fresh water supplies were provided and Medical Officers and sanitary inspectors were appointed. The Act also saw that the standards of housing were improved, the pollution of rivers was stopped and factory working hours were shortened. All of these reforms were incredibly important as they led to a high standard of living in towns, and an overall healthier population. By 1900, people were generally living longer, healthier lives. Life expectancy had increased for both men and women, and towns were cleaner and safer. Although Chadwick was certainly important in initiating these changes, he was limited by the failure of the 1848 Health Act, his attitude

Louis Vuitton †Japan Free Essays

Executive Summary: Louis Vuitton, a pioneer in luxury market has Japan a key market with largest revenue generator during its golden period. Due to adverse consequences of global recession, the slowdown was also faced by Louis Vuitton. In order to regain its fame, Louis Vuitton needs to change its manufacturing strategy and the production strategy. We will write a custom essay sample on Louis Vuitton – Japan or any similar topic only for you Order Now Goal: To reinvent and regain the cachet, Louis Vuitton needs to increase and attain the largest market share in five years. Louis Vuitton offers a wide range of luxury brands and was a trend setter in Japan. One of the key components which drive this goal strategy is the overall market growth. Although luxury market growth rate has reduced due to the global financial crisis, the Japanese luxury market growth rate was still at six percent. Also, the customers has been shifting to low price segment, the Japanese way of consuming luxury brands was a kind of social value that they cannot afford to lose. Impediment: The global financial crisis affects the consumer mind set and the behavior. The first and the most important key impediment which proves to the major obstacle in achieving the goal is high priced products offered by Louis Vuitton that could easily be attacked by other competitors. The various other companies offer the luxury products at competitive price as compare to Louis Vuitton have shaken the market share. Moreover, the product line offered by Louis Vuitton is limited and monotonous from past few years which made less impact on the consumers. Louis Vuitton was growing its strategy towards mid size and smaller cities but no attempt was made to promote the brand in these cities. Solution: In order to revive the company, and to increase the overall market share in Japan, Louis Vuitton needs to change its manufacturing strategy by setting up a manufacturing plant in Japan with some of the French workforce leading the plant. Since Japanese luxury market is one of the leading market egments, this would eventually decrease the import cost and French workforce would help in gaining the customer satisfaction. Moreover, it will also avoid the counterfeiting because the product is manufactured and consumed at the same place. Low scaled promotions could also be advertised during the discount season in mid size cities. Also Jacobs had signed a contract until 2018 and Marc Jacobs’s label was one of the rising stars in LVMH’s portfolio. Jacobs could also bring many other new opportunities to just keep up the brand image an d value. How to cite Louis Vuitton – Japan, Papers

The Witches In Macbeth Essays - Characters In Macbeth,

The Witches In Macbeth 1 The witches in Macbeth serve to advance the story, reveal human weakness, heighten the tension and give the audience a hint of things to come, but they do not control Macbeth or anyone else in the play. The only power they have over Macbeth is their ability to reinforce an idea that was already in his head. Their role is made clear when Hecate speaks to them, ? And which is worse, all you have done Hath been but for a wayward son.? ( act 3 scene 5 ) She suggests that they do not have the power to make him do the evil and mischief that they want. Nor do they need that power. Macbeth is fully capable of doing all the mischief and evil on his own. How do individuals control others? How would the witches control Macbeth? This can usually be done by physical and/or emotional force. Fear and threats, rewards and praise work to control others. These tools work to different degrees on different people. So much of what is called control depends on the person that is being controlled. The promise of a throne may send some people to their knees while others will take to their heels. When the witches hold out their promises to Macbeth the only surety they have is a knowledge of his ambition and his need for power. In the end this was all they needed to be sure of. They may try to manipulate, but they do not need to control. The character flaws that Macbeth has will be enough to fill their needs. It is interesting to note that the witches do not ask for anything in 2 return for their prophecies. Macbeth does not have to promise his soul in exchange for any information. His soul was already in trouble before he met the witches. He was their logical choice. At the start of the play, Macbeth and Banquo are returning from the battlefield when they meet the witches. At this time they predict that Macbeth will become Thane of Cawdor and king of Scotland. It is an interesting thought and the start of an idea. He has fought bravely for king and country, but when the first prophecy comes true, and he is made Thane of Cawdor , he says to himself, ? The first step toward the ultimate goal, the throne.? ( act 1 scene 3) If he calls the ultimate goal, a throne, then he has been entertaining this idea before. In his life he has prioritized his ambitions, and the title of king is what he considers the highest step. As a brave an honorable leader of the king's army, shouldn't his highest goal be to serve? As an honorable man with strong morals shouldn't his ultimate goal be a decent life and a heavenly reward? Ambition drives Macbeth. He only needs the suggestions of things that might be his to push him on. There is no sense of moral right to keep him from murder. He hesitates only because he fears the earthly consequences not because it would be sinful. ?---- If the assassination could trummel up the consequences.? ?---- But in these cases we still have judgment here.? ( act 1scene 7) He does not realize that his struggle is not against evil but for good. The witches do not command Macbeth to kill Duncan or anyone else. The 3 murder of his king is his decision. This is the only way that he can see to reach his ?Ultimate Goal?. One murder leads to another. Macbeth has spun a web that has trapped him in a paranoid mess. Soon he believes that everyone is out to get him. Traitors are behind every stone in his castle. He has no trusted friends left, and even his wife has fallen into a pit of madness. The only way to deal with this is to kill and kill again. He must know what the future holds for him, and again he turns to the witches. Maybe they can reassure him. At this stage of the play, Macbeth is in desperate need of some measure of security. The witches are only too happy to oblige. They'll give him just what he wants-- almost. Hecate has forecasted Macbeth's weakness when she

Learn More About How Communication Media Has Evolved

Learn More About How Communication Media Has Evolved Smart newspapermen of the time paid attention when the telegraph was invented. The New York Herald, the Sun and the Tribune had been founded recently. The proprietors of these newspapers saw that the telegraph was bound to affect all newspapers profoundly. How were the newspapers to cope with the situation and make use of the news that was coming in and would be coming in more and faster over the wires? Improved Newspaper Presses For one thing, the newspapers now needed better printing machinery. Steam-powered printing in America had begun. New printing presses were introduced in the United States by Robert Hoe at the same time as Samuel Morse was struggling to perfect the telegraph. Before steam power, newspapers printed in the United States used presses operated by hand. The New York Sun, the pioneer of cheap modern newspapers, was printed by hand in 1833, and four hundred papers an hour was the highest speed of one press. Robert Hoes double-cylinder, steam-driven printing press was an improvement, however, it was Hoes son that invented the modern newspaper press. In 1845, Richard March Hoe invented the revolving or rotary press letting newspapers print at rates of a hundred thousand copies an hour. Newspaper publishers now had the fast Hoe presses, cheap paper, could type cast by machinery, had stereotyping and the new process of making pictures by photoengraving replacing engraving on wood. However, the newspapers of 1885, still set up their type by the same method that Benjamin Franklin used to set up the type for The Pennsylvania Gazette. The compositor stood or sat at his case, with his copy before him, and picked the type up letter by letter until he had filled and correctly spaced a line. Then he would set another line, and so on, all with his hands. After the job was completed, the type had to be distributed again, letter by letter. Typesetting was slow and expensive. Linotype and Monotype This labor of manual typesetting was done away with by the invention of two intricate and ingenious machines. The linotype, invented by Ottmar Mergenthaler of Baltimore, and the monotype of Tolbert Lanston, a native of Ohio. However, the linotype became the favorite composing machine for newspapers. The Invention of the Typewriter While  new  technology for printing newspapers was being developed, another instrument for journalists was coming into existence, the  typewriter. Early Typewriters Alfred Ely Beach made  a sort of typewriter  as early as 1847, but he neglected it for other things. His typewriter had many of the features of the modern typewriter, however, it lacked a satisfactory method of  inking  the types. In 1857, S. W. Francis of New York invented  a typewriter  with a ribbon that was saturated with ink. Neither of these typewriters  were  a commercial success. They were regarded merely as the toys of ingenious men. Christopher Latham Sholes The accredited father of the typewriter was Wisconsin newspaperman, Christopher Latham Sholes. After his printers went on strike, Sholes made a few unsuccessful attempts to invent a typesetting  machine. He then, in collaboration with another printer, Samuel Soule, invented a numbering  machine. A friend, Carlos Glidden saw this ingenious device and suggested that they should try to invent  a machine  that print letters. The three men, Sholes, Soule, and Glidden agreed to try to invent such  a machine. None of them had studied the efforts of previous experimenters, and they made many errors which might have been avoided. Gradually, however, the invention took form and the inventors were granted patents in June and July of 1868. However, their typewriter was easily broken and made mistakes. Investor, James Densmore bought a share in the machine buying out Soule and Glidden. Densmore furnished the funds to build about thirty models in succession, each a little better than the preceding. The improved machine was patented in 1871, and the partners felt that they were ready to begin manufacturing. Sholes Offers the Typewriter to Remington In 1873, James Densmore and Christopher Sholes offered their machine to Eliphalet Remington and Sons, manufacturers of firearms and sewing machines. In Remingtons well-equipped machine  shops  the typewriter was tested, strengthened, and improved. The Remingtons believed there would be a demand for the typewriter and offered to buy the patents, paying either a lump  sum,  or a royalty. Sholes preferred the ready cash and received twelve thousand dollars, while Densmore chose the royalty and received a million and a half. The Invention of the Phonograph The telegraph, the press, and the typewriter were agents of communication for the written word. The telephone was an agent for the spoken word. Another instrument for recording sound and reproducing it was the phonograph (record player). In 1877,  Thomas Alva Edison  completed his first  phonograph. The phonograph worked by translating the air vibrations created by the human voice into minute indentations on a sheet of tinfoil placed over a metallic cylinder, and the machine could then reproduce the sounds which had caused the indentations. The record wore out after a few reproductions, however, and Edison was too busy to develop his idea further until later. Other did. Phonograph machines  were invented under a variety of different names, however, all reproduced with wonderful fidelity the human voice, in speech or song, and the tones of either a single instrument or a whole orchestra. Through these machines, good music was brought to those who could hear it in no other way. The Camera and Photography The last half century of the 1800s saw great advances in photography and photoengraving. While the first experiments in photography happened in Europe,  Samuel Morse, introduced photography to America, in particular to his friend John Draper. Draper had a part in the perfection of the  dry plate  (the first negatives) and was one of the  first photographers to  do  portrait photography. George Eastman A great inventor in  photographic  technology was  George Eastman  from Rochester, New York. In 1888,  George Eastman  introduced a  new camera, which he called Kodak, and with it the sales slogan: You press the button, we do the rest. The  first Kodak  camera was pre-loaded with a roll of sensitized paper (film) that could take a hundred pictures.  A film roll  that could be sent away for developing and printing (at first the entire camera was sent). Eastman had been an amateur photographer when the hobby was both expensive and tedious. After inventing a method of making dry plates, he began to manufacture them as early as 1880 before invented  roll film. After the first Kodak, there came other cameras filled with rolls of sensitized nitro-cellulose film. The invention of cellulose film (that replaced the glass dry plate) revolutionized photography. Both Reverend Hannibal Goodwin and George Eastman patented nitro-cellulose film, however, after a court battle Goodwins patent was upheld as being first. The  Eastman Kodak Company  introduced the first film cartridge which could be inserted or removed without the need of a dark room, that created a boom in the market for amateur photographers. The Birth of Motion Pictures In the development of  Thomas Alva Edison  played a large part. Edison had seen a crude system made of Henry Heyl of Philadelphia. Heyl used glass plates fixed to the circumference of a wheel, each plate rotated in front of a lens. This method of pictures in motions was slow and expensive. Edison after seeing the Heyl show, and after experimenting with other methods decided that a continuous tape-like strip of film needed to be used. He invented the first practical motion picture camera and with the cooperation of  George Eastman  started producing the new tape-like film, giving birth to the modern motion picture industry.  The motion picture projector  was invented to show what the new camera and film captured. Other inventors, such as Paul in England and  Lumiere  in France, produced other types of projecting machines, which differed in some mechanical details. Public Reaction to Motion Pictures When  the motion picture  was shown in the United States, the audiences were amazed. Popular actors moved from stage into the movies. In the small town, early movie theaters were often converted storeroom, and in the cities, some of the largest and most attractive theaters converted into movie theaters, and new theaters were specially built. The Eastman Company soon manufactured about ten thousand miles of film every month. Besides offering amusement, the new moving pictures were used for important news events, historical events could now be visually preserved for posterity.

The Best Way to Learn Italian

The Best Way to Learn Italian The Italian national soccer team, known as Gli Azzurri because of their blue jerseys, has ranked among the top teams in the world for years. Theyve won the World Cup many times, Italian-born players routinely sign multimillion-dollar contracts for European teams, and the Italian soccer leagues offer some of the most talented competition anywhere. The overriding reason for their success? Practice, practice, practice. And thats the secret to learning Italian or any other foreign language. Exercise your language muscles every day, and soon you, too, will be competing with the best of them. While many think that the quickest and most effective way to learn Italian is the total immersion method- traveling to Italy for an extended period and studying at any of the thousands of language schools throughout the country- there are other, more sustainable options to explore from home, too. Start Studying Youve already taken the most important step to learning Italian when you started searching online (and found this website)Â  because the most important thing is to start studying! And even though there are tons of resources available on the market, any method is appropriate as long as you maintain a consistent study schedule. Choose Your Learning Materials So once you choose a realistic amount of time that you can devote to your Italian studies each day, then reading an Italian textbook, taking a language course at a university or local language school, completing workbook exercises, listening to podcast or mp3s, or conversing with a native Italian speaker all count. Define Your Goals Many people mistake a desire to be conversational for a desire for fluency. The whole point of spending all of this time learning Italian is so you can have real conversations with real people, so keep that in mind as you choose your learning materials. Find things that are practical and that offer language you can use with actual people. Stick to Your Routine Spend some time every day reading, writing, speaking, and listening to Italian to become accustomed to the target language. Slowly but surely, your confidence will build with your language partners, your accent will become less pronounced, your vocabulary will expand, and youll be communicating in Italian. Maybe youll even start speaking Italian with your hands. In the end, visiting Italy to have a total immersion experience is wonderful, especially when doing things like a homestay where you literally eat, breathe, and (hopefully) dream in Italian. But, as you know, trips end, and humans easily forget what they’ve learned, so routine is key if you truly want to be conversational.

What does the state of the British media tell us about society in Essay

What does the state of the British media tell us about society in Britain - Essay Example In the world of today, media has become as necessary as food and clothing. As per Shakeel (2013) â€Å"It has played significant role in strengthening the society. Media is considered as "mirror" of the modern society, infect, it is the media which shapes our lives. The media of a certain country is a true mirror for portraying the cultural values and issue happening in a country. British media is of high standard and report on many issue which gives the public an image of British society. The sections like art, sports, entertainment, health and education. Britain being a cosmopolitan country does have a cultural and social mannerism different to other countries. British Media mostly present political and news and information on Royal family. According to Negrine(1991,pg.12-30) â€Å"The value of "political communication" in the dictionary of useful, catch-all phrases to describe the relationship between mass media and politics comes at a price in precision†. Although, the me dia does not reflect much on the life of common men it does give out what is British society is like. The nature of British media The British media has its own peculiarities and in Europe, Britain falls third to Germany and Estonia regarding the total number of newspaper published. Also the British Press market is the second largest in Europe with regard to newspaper circulation. The frequency of British newspaper is divided as weekly, daily and Sunday newspaper. The media of Britain greatly cover economic and political news. The media has the function of public enlightenment. The celebrity gossip and sports is a major portion in British media. The British media is also extensively interested in royal affairs. Unlike other countries, Britain has a regulated media. According to Enders(2011) â€Å"Until now, Britain has regulated commercial media far more tightly than the BBC and you argue that it is time for a change†. The British media has been a bit conservative in compariso n to other media in Western countries. The country always had to keep the royal status of the country. However, the British news papers are information rich and same goes with television media. However, politics is a major topic area for British media. Apart from this entertainment and sports get lot of media attention. Crime, sex and stories of human interests are also a part of the British media. According to (Gonzalez) The British national press provides a variety of political views, interests and levels of education. The British media does give out certain ideas as follows about their society Britain as a class conscious society British media has been one which shows class segregation and it has been partial to different classes. The media always represented the royal families and celebrities as the wealthiest and influential. The upper class was shown as the well bred and cultured people. The media has consistently showcased royal families as the ideal British people. The upper class is shown to be intelligent and sophisticated. (Thorpe) â€Å"But class-warfare, whether waged by politicians or the media, merely diverts attention from those living in deprivation†. The upper class is shown to hardworking, wall mannered and decent. The media has always shown upper class people in a positive manner and hence we can see that the British society is class conscious. Class discrimination is highly visible from the fact that the media as television or newspaper is consistently publishing or broadcasting news related to royal families an

Andy Warhol and His Screen Tests Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Andy Warhol and His Screen Tests - Essay Example The essay "Andy Warhol and His Screen Tests" investigates Screen Tests directed by Andy Warhol. Warhol's screen tests capture a variety of items created through different media including painting, hand drawing, printmaking, silk screening, films, photographs and sculpture. Part of his screen tests was computer-generated especially towards his death, following the integration of computer into the American film and media production. Regardless, Warhol’s works have been the focus of several retrospective exhibitions, publications, documentaries and feature films. This paper examines the connection between Andy Warhol’s screenshots and the pop culture between 1960s and 1980s. The important connections between Warhol’s screenshots and the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s pop life experiences have led to their resurfacing in the current century, perhaps more than they appeared in the second-half of the 20th century when they were created. In the 1970, for instance, the artist pu lled out 472 shots that he had captured between 1964 and 1966 alongside his footages of various art works from public galleries. However, between 1995 and 2007, different galleries have had their hands on these important artistic items and released them to the public for viewing for the first time in many decades as a celebration of the massive contributions Warhol made in the American visual art industry. Part of the Warhol’s earliest screenshots from films such as Kiss, Eat, and Sleep and Empire captured in the early 1960s.

Analysis- System Specification :: Computer Science

Analysis- System Specification In order to design my database on Microsoft Access the software I will need is as following. I will need the operating system of Windows XP. This is because this version of Windows is more up-to-data and more professional to use than say, Windows 98. Also Windows XP will have better and more up-to-date features than older versions would have. I will need the applications programmes of Microsoft Access 2003 and Microsoft Word 2003. The reasons for this is because I will need Microsoft Access to perform such actions as creating the database and I will need Microsoft Word to perform such actions as creating a mail merge. Also I will need Microsoft Access 2003 and Microsoft Word 2003 because these are more up to date and more professional versions compared to older versions such as Microsoft Access 2000 and Microsoft Word 2000. The hardware I will need in order to carry out my database is as following. I will need a processor that has a minimum of 1GB (Gigabyte). The reason for me needing a processor this size is because this will enable me to have a larger overall volume of work stored on the computer and will allow me system to run quickly. I will also need a RAM (Random Access Memory) of at least 512KB. I will need this in order for my database to work quickly enough and sufficiently enough for the needs of my end user. I also do not need too much memory, as I would then be wasting large amounts of this. Further hardware that I need is a ROM (Read Only Memory) or a Hard Drive of at least 60GB. I will need a hard drive this size in order for my database to work quickly and sufficiently enough for the needs of my end user. Also I do not need too much memory, as doing so would be wasting large amounts, as it is not being filled. Other hardware that I need are peripherals. These are things such as a keyboard, a mouse, a monitor, a printer and a PC. The type of keyboard I will need is an ergonomic keyboard rather than just a standard QWERTY keyboard. This is because if a lot of work is carried out involving a lot of typing having an ergonomic keyboard may help to reduce the stress of working on a computer for long periods and may also help to reduce both back and neck pain. A further peripheral I will need is a mouse. The type of mouse I will need is a standard roller ball mouse with a scroll bar.

Evaluation of the iPhone 5S

In the first 24 hours of the launch on September 20, 2013, Apple Inc. sold 2,750,000 iPhone 5s'. The Apple iPhone is the top sold smartphone and is continuing to control the market. The iPhone 5s is a very respected and prominent product, it is used by millions of people for many tasks like work and school. There are few things that stand out to me that I have chosen for the iPhone 5s to evaluate it in: Design, Technology, Software, and the App Store. I believe that the iPhone 5s proves itself in all of these categories, and many people would agree with me, as well as disagree.The design plays a huge role in cell phones, it has to grasp the buyers attention and make them want the product just by looking at it or by watching someone use it. The iPhone 5s does this really well, Apple engineers and designers managed to compress the technologies they made inside a space that’s a mere 7.6 millimeters thin and 112 grams light. This redesign resulted in an incredibly thin, impressive ly light, extraordinarily powerful smartphone. The engineering challenge was significant, but they succeeded in adding more to it without making iPhone 5s bigger or heavier.The iPhone began with something perfectly simple, your finger. And now Apple took touch to the next possible place with Touch ID, the fingerprint identity sensor. Your fingerprint is the perfect password, you always have it with you and no one can ever guess what it is. But beyond that, it just made sense that your phone should recognize you. It should learn you, not require you to memorize and enter passwords in order to use it. Apple also put the sensor in the best place possible, where you most commonly rest your thumb, on the Home button. It is amazing how Apple increased the speed of the iPhone 5s without decreasing the battery life, in fact, they increased the battery life.This is all true because Apple engineered a new processing chip. The A7 chip is designed around 64-bit architecture, which is a first fo r any smartphone. The move to 64-bit chip made it possible for desktop-class processing power in the palm of people’s hands. The A7 chip gives iPhone 5s the power it needs for all the capabilities it now has. It’s up to 2x faster than the previous generation in both CPU and graphics performance, it has an all-new image signal processor, and it supports OpenGL ES 3.0, which enables visual effects previously possible only on computers and gaming consoles.Even with all these performance enhancements,  A7 is still energy efficient.The new M7 coprocessor is designed to make iPhone 5s even more efficient. It offloads work from the A7 chip by collecting motion data, then Apps can use this data without constantly using the A7 chip. Because M7 is engineered for this specific task, it uses significantly less power than A7 would require, so battery life is spared.Another big role in cell phones is its features, the more there are, the more appealing it is. Apple is an outstandi ng contender in this specific criterion because they make their own advanced technology, which adds many cool feature. The iPhone 5s is precision crafted down to the micron. It has a beautiful aluminum housing, very sleek metal and glass, sapphire crystal in the Home button and more sapphire crystal protecting the iSight camera. Design and construction of this level is unmatched so the iPhone 5s looks and feels unbelievably thin and light. It is also available in three elegant colors: gold, silver, and space gray.The most prominent feature of them all is the Touch ID allowing you to use your fingerprint for your password. The iPhone 5s features advanced technologies custom designed for the iSight camera’s hardware and software. Some of these features include: larger pixels, larger sensor, continuous burst mode, true tone flash, auto image stabilization, slow motion video, live video zoom, square photos, panorama photos, and photo filters. Another cool feature is FaceTime, whi ch allows you to video chat with anyone with an Apple product anywhere in the world.The iPhone 5s' LTE is ultrafast allowing it to download and upload data at unimaginable speeds, the iPhone 5s has the fastest LTE speed for any smartphone. The App Store is a fabulous feature, it is easy and fun to use. When downloading an app, all you have to do is scan your finger on the home button and voila, it starts downloading. iCloud is a great feature because it allows you to have everything you need, anywhere you need it. iCloud allows you to have the same data between different Apple devices, which comes in handy for school if you forget something on your iPad so you can bring it up on your iPhone.Software is very important for any smartphone, and with the iPhone 5s, comes iOS 7. iOS 7 is made by Apple Inc.'s workers. They made it simpler, more useful, and more enjoyable while making it instantly familiar. Apple made  iOS 7 very simple and beautiful, they offer the right things, in the r ight place, at the right time. It seems as if it â€Å"just works† all the time, when you pick it up you already know how to use it, that's simplicity. It makes sense why they put certain features in, they put it in when it's truly useful, like the notification center or the control center.It becomes more to you than just a device, iOS 7 invites that kind of connection. Interactions are dynamic, and animations are cinematic. The experience is lively and spirited in so many different ways you wouldn't have expected. Open the Weather app, for example, and you’ll instantly understand. Hail bounces off text, and fog passes in front of it. Storm clouds come into view with a flash of lightning. Suddenly, checking the weather is like looking out a window. iOs 7 also adds a sense of dimension with several layers on the screen tilting according to how you hold it.Apps are a very important part of Apple. It makes for a great experience and fun to use with it's built in apps made by Apple. The built in apps consist of Camera, Photos, Music, Safari, Maps, Siri, Phone, FaceTime, etc. There are a total of 39 built in apps that are great from music to school. The App Store has the best selection of mobile apps, from Apple and third-party developers and they’re all designed specifically for iPhone. The more apps you download, the more you’ll realize your iPhone can do just about anything you can imagine. You can easily find apps that are relevant to your current location and browse categories of apps based on your child’s age and let the App Store update all your apps for you.Purchasing apps is now as easy as placing your finger on your iPhone. Say there’s an app you’re ready to download, with Touch ID, you simply touch the fingerprint identity sensor on the Home button, and in an instant, the App Store recognizes you and approves your transaction. So you don't need to type your Apple ID or remember your password anymore, which is amazingly easy. Shopping in the App Store is a great experience too because it’s easy to find the apps you want, and to discover new apps you didn’t even know you wanted. Browse freely by category, or shop collections of apps and games handpicked by experts. Apple reviews everything on the App Store to guard against malware, so you’re buying and downloading from a trusted source.Overall, the iPhone 5s has a great design, it has many amazing, new features, it's new software is simple and â€Å"just works† and it has plenty of apps made just for the iPhone and its technological abilities. The iPhone 5s, in my opinion, not only meets, but exceeds the criteria for a good smartphone. It is the fastest, most luxurious, easiest to use, and most technologically advanced phone on the market today.

Danforths Witch Hunt, Is It J Essay - 502 Words

Danforth’s Witch Hunt, Is it Justified? (An Essay on the Crucible) I write in response to your column regarding Judge Danforth’s actions during the witch trials in Salem. Surprisingly, you praised Judge Danforth for his â€Å"impartiality and tact† during this tragic set of trials. You could not be farther from the truth. Judge Danforth abused his judicial power, throughout the trials, to the fullest of his abilities. His abuses range from berating and coercing witness into saying what he wants them go, to blatantly ignoring testimony that refuted the accusers. He presides over his courtroom as if he has divine right. Judges are supposed to find truth, not invent it. When Mary Warren confessed to Danforth that she, along with the other†¦show more content†¦Hypocrisy, like this, in the judicial system is inexcusable. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Lastly, Judge Danforth hath condemned people before they were allowed trial. The accused witches were given the choice, confess or hang. This is condemnation ultimately. Either way, their decision has no good outcome. If they confess to witchery they will be blackballed from the community and shunned, if they refuse to confess, they will be hanged. This ultimate miscarriage of justice also led people to make an even more harrowing decision at the same time, between their God and their life. To refute the claims leads them to lose their life, but to lie will be a sin in the eyes of their God. nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;nbsp;Judge Danforth’s conduct during the course of these tragic trials have lead me to be soured of the judicial community’s lack of impartiality. Judge Danforth is not alone in his quest for â€Å"justice†. Many other judges have used â€Å"divine right† as an excuse for the murder of innocent people. The witch trials are a mockery,that have no proof, evidence, or any other grounds for a trial. The only evidence they have, if we can even call it evidence, â€Å"spectral† evidence and hearsay. They be hanging people because a party of 16 year old lying heathens have claimed manifested spirits of the convicted have attacked them. How can these children blind the court, enough to get people murdered, under the guise of being bewitched. God save Salem

Foreign Policy

Sample details Pages: 33 Words: 9945 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? How has European foreign policy been shaped towards Israel since 1967 The major European powers have been closely linked to Israel from its creation for a combination of reasons. For the British, colonial rule in Palestine and its long established presence across the Arab World have helped shape its outlook and left British governments, sometimes reluctantly, with an obligation to maintain some involvement in the regions politics and conflicts.. Traditional French involvement in the Middle East, particularly in Lebanon and Syria has led to similar ties. For Germany, the aftermath of the Holocaust has seen a warming of relations between the two nations, caused in no small fashion by a collective guilt and desire for national atonement. In addition, the geopolitical factors of the Middle East have an impact on the policies of all European nations towards Israel and the Middle East. Accessibility to the regions oil supplies will always influence the policies of industrialised nations towards the region. Spain, for example is another European that has had to include Israel in its foreign policy thinking. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Foreign Policy | Politics Dissertation" essay for you Create order Always in the background of European policy is the influence of the US, a long time ally of both Europe and Israel and major actor in the region. European states have had to make the sometimes difficult decisions as to whether follow the US lead within the Arab-Israeli conflict or toast independently. During the Cold War, Europe was keen to remain allied closely to the US, yet a need to maintain relations with oil producing Arab nations presented them with an on-going dilemma. Of course the unique characteristics of the Israeli state also impacts upon foreign policymaking towards the region. In essence the conflict can be seen as a seemingly insurmountable conflict over land claimed by two peoples. As Fraser summarises to the Arabs, Palestine was an Arab land whose soil they had cultivated for generations; as such, it was as entitled to independence as any other Arab country. To the Jews, Israel was a Jewish land that had been their inspiration throughout eighteen centuries of dispersion, dispossession and persecution; as such, its destiny was to be the fulfilment of their dreams of statehood (p1Fraser TG, The Arab-Israeli Conflict 2004). For Europeans, understanding the depths of the conflict has always been difficult; making a judgement on which side to offer its support more so. Within any analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian questions, there will always be differing perceptions that the various parties show favouritism to one side or the other. A common Israeli view is that whilst the US is a generally loyal ally, some Europeans can be pro-Arab or simply anti-Semitic in policy formulation. Arab perceptions of European nations can be entirely different many will see Europe as simply following the US line in foreign policy whatever the issue. Unravelling the intricacies of influence and favour in the Middle East is a complex task. European policy makers have had to wrestle with the differences of these two polarised groups for a number of decades. This dissertation will argue that they have ultimately failed to resolve the Arab-Israeli crisis. Policy makers in Europe have largely failed to develop coherent strategy to bring about peace in the region. National self-interest and changing tack through a sense of realpolitik have sometimes been at the root of this, whilst at other times a simple lack of imagination or a willingness to let the US lead on policy in the region has been the cause. There are other, less concrete, factors in the relationship between Europe and Israel. Whilst the Holocaust has understandably created mistrust of Europe amongst many Israelis, there is a sense in which Europe is perceived as owing a form of moral debt to Israel. Chapter two of the dissertation touches upon German atonement for the Holocaust, but an attitude remains in some quarters that Israel somehow deserves a privileged position in its dealing with Europe and the West. Another argument is that Israel and the Israelis have largely turned their back on Europe over the last 60 years. Greilsammer and Weller summarise this view as such Perfidious Albion is a nation that may now extend to other European states. Politically Israels view extends beyond the Atlantic to America (p2 Greilsammer and Weller, Europe and Israel: Troubled Neighbours). European public opinion can of course have an effect on policy makers towards Israel. Again, the thoughts of Greilsammer and Weller are interesting here. They state: European attitudes are even more complex. Although foreign policy finds its expression in political and economic tangibles, the psychological intangibles are omnipresent (p3Greilsammer and Weller). The theory here, and one which carries some weight, is that European opinion expressed through a variety of channels is consistently judgemental towards Israel. Chapter Two will look at the early years of the Israeli state from1948 onwards and the view of the major European powers towards the new nation state. Although the focus of the dissertation will be on the successes or failures of policy since the 1967 war, a background to European involvement in the region is required. Britain and France had long-term colonial interests in the region, whilst for Germany, atonement for the Holocaust was central in post-War relations. Examining events from the First World War onwards, including the Balfour Declaration, the creation of the Israeli State and then European involvement in the Suez Crisis, this chapter sets a background to later European policy making in the region. Chapter three looks at European policy from the 1967 War onwards, examining the individual policies of some European states as well as the shifts in global politics at the end of the Cold War. The Middle East was an important strategic area in the context of the Cold War and the emergence of the US as the dominant actor in global politics following the demise of the Soviet Union has been crucial to the region. The expanding US role across the globe is an important issue here and how European nations have reacted to growing US dominance is examined in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. European responses to the 1967 War plus subsequent events such as the Yom Kippur War are examined here, as is the European involvement, or indeed lack of, towards later diplomatic events, for example the Camp David talks. Chapter Three examines more recent attempts to broker peace the Madrid Conference, the Oslo Accords and the Quartet Roadmap and suggests that whilst Europe has played som e part in sponsoring these events, it has largely taken a secondary role to the US Chapter four concentrates on the European Unions foreign policy towards Israel rather than that of individual member states and how it has developed policy more recently towards the Palestinian Authority. Policy documents and strategies such as the EU/Israel Action Plan and the Association Agreement are examined here. Are these policy documents mere words or can they be policies that can actually offer a positive resolution to the conflicts in the region? The EU has certainly made efforts to develop policies in terms of trade, economics and humanitarian assistance, yet as with individual member states, its record in positive contributions towards delivering a long-term peace settlement is less impressive. Chapter five looks at the way forward for European policy. Whilst the dissertation argues that European policies have largely failed in the region, Europe at times has offered viable alternatives to the statuesque or to the US point of view. It certainly has a duty to engage more constructively in the process in the future and should have the economic and political strength to do so. This chapter will discuss options for the future and how Europe can, primarily by offering an alternative view to that of the US and Israel, make a positive contribution to resolving the conflict. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict continues to present Europe with anon going crisis that it cannot simply ignore. The proximity of Israel to Europe, its geopolitical role and more recently its position in relation to the War on Terror demand continued efforts to find absolution. The human cost on the ground in the region continues to deteriorate. From the breakdown of the Oslo Peace Process in 2001 to February 2005, the return to violence claimed 973 Israeli and 3747Palestinian lives. In addition, Israeli forces have injured 27484Palestinians.(p1 Prof Avid Claim, Europe and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 2005). The events of September 11 and the US led War on Terror has further polarised the West and the Arab World, yet a viable solution to the Palestinian question would do much to improve relations between the two. A further underlying argument of the dissertation will be that whilst US policy in the region is dictated by what Claim describes as an adherence to a double standard one towards Israel and one towards the Arabs (p3 Claim 2005), Europe maintains a more common standard towards the two, yet needs to be more assertive in keeping up this level handed approach. Prime Minister Blair may recently have aligned himself closer than would have been advisable to Bush and Sharon, but Europe as a whole has for the most part upheld a neutral perspective towards the region. Chapter Two British policy towards Israel has been shaped by a sense of realpolitik both before and after the 1967 war, something that in the long term has not helped in the struggle for a solution to the conflict. It is however important to understand the nature of the British relationship with the region in order to analyse policy since 1967 and through tithe present day. British opposition to the Turks and the power of the Ottoman Empire during the First World War first helped to shape policy in the region, with the British making promises of land in the region to the Arabs in 1915 in return for their help against the Turks. By1917 however, the British were claiming that the land they had promised excluded Palestine and fell into dispute with Arab leaders. At the same time, the Government was beginning to see the Zionist movement as possible ally in the War and contact between leading British Zionist Durkheim Weizmann, Balfour and Lloyd George (p7 Fraser 2004) began tocement a relationship that would see the first of many shifts inBritish policy between the two conflicting sides in the region. By late 1917 the Government had arrived at the Balfour Declaration. Inany study of the Arab-Israeli conflict or of European policy towardsthe region, it is a vital document with its statement that: His Majestys Government view with favour the establishment inPalestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use theirbest endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it beingclearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice thecivil and religious rights of existing non Jewish communities inPalestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in anyother country. (p8 Fraser 2004). Regardless of future British policy in Israel, the Balfour Declaration will always be seen as crucial in the establishment of a Jewish state, something that in the eyes of the Arab world has intractably linked the British on the side of the Israelis. It can be argued that British attempts to resolve the conflict since will have been affected by an Arab perception that there is little neutrality in British led negotiations. As is the case with the complexity of the Israeli-Palestinian issue, an alternative view will see the British as historically pro-Palestinian. Certainly the fact that the British later attempted to curtail the process they had endorsed with the Balfour Declaration in the face of Arab resistance and objections, and later turned away Jews trying to escape to Palestine from persecution and death in Europe has left its mark on British-Israeli relations. Similarly, British attempts to hide their collusion with Israel during the Suez crisis did little to improve relations between the two. Karsh suggests that Suez was watershed for European influence in the region stating: in any case, it was the American intervention which decided the outcome of the Suez debacle obliging Israel, Britain and France to withdraw and set the seal on the demise of European imperialism in the Middle East. (p12,Karsh E, Peace in the Middle East The Challenge for Israel 1994). The Labour Government elected in Britain in 1945 serves as a good example of the changeable attitudes towards Palestine. The Labour Party had long had association with the Zionist movement based on the social democratic ethos that the two movements shared. Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin however was a pragmatist and unwilling to sacrifice the countrys needs simply due a sentimental attachment to Zionism. Bevin went along with the advice of longstanding Foreign Office officials that Britains interest would be best served by a proArab policy, particularly with the need to retain access to the regions oil supplies. As Fraser concludes In short, the Labour Partys emotional and ideological sympathy with Zionism was shunted aside by the Labour Governments hard-headed view of where Britains interests lay (p22Fraser 2004). The situation came to a head for the British when in 1948, US President Truman requested that the British issue up to 100,000 immigration certificates for European Jews to enter Palestine. The negative British response and the insinuation that European Jews should not be able to queue jump merely because of events of the war gave an indication of how far it had moved from the pro-Zionist stance of 1944. For the Jews of Palestine it was an indication of betrayal by the British and the catalyst for revolt. Jewish resistance groups in Palestine began to strike against the British, attacking patrol boats, the railway network, oil tanks and airfields. The post-war British economy could little afford a large military commitment overseas but as it built its force up to 100,000 soldiers and police, attacks on personnel escalated(p28 Fraser 2004). For the British Government, facing enough challenges at home with the difficulties posed by the ailing post-war economy, its mandate for Palestine was becoming a burden it could do without. The end of the mandate and the establishment of the state of Israel came with little genuine attempt by the British to implement partition that would offer peace. British military commanders in the region had little interest in seeing their men killed or injured in a dispute that was ceasing to be of importance to the British national interest. The result as Fraser describes was a minimalist policy which allowed both Arab and Jewish irregular forces to become ever bolder and moreruthless2 (p40 Fraser 2004). Britain effectively wiped its hands of Israel in 1948 it was the signoff a pragmatic policy towards the region that would continue in years to come. When possible, Britain would let other nations take the leading efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Germanys relations with Israel have been indelibly shaped by events of the Holocaust, yet since the establishment of diplomatic relation between the two countries in 1965, the relationship has been warm. At the recent 40th anniversary celebrations, Israeli President MosheKatsav stated that our two countries have a historic mission to fillour history has proven that out of the deepest hatred, out of the destructions of millions of people, with good intentions something good can exist again. Today Germany and Israel stand for common values such as democracy and human rights. It is our duty in the coming decades to carry these values into the world, to prove that one can learn from history The immediate post-war years saw Germany arrange to make reparations payments to Israel. From the signing of the Luxemburg Agreement in 1952until the end of 2002, over 55 billion euros had been made to the state of Israel or to recipients within Israel. Germany has consistently supported Israels right to existence, and support for Israels security has been established as a central tenuto Germanys foreign policy. Indeed, within Israel, Germany is seen by many as its closest ally after the US. The two nations also have strong links in the fields of science and technology. Scientists and students have taken part in a large number of exchange programmes and Germany has sponsored a wide range of scientific research within Israel. Economic ties have also been forged. Germany is Israels most important trade partner after the US (p3 40Years Diplomatic Relations between Germany and Israel, German Embassy Document) and its principal trade partner within Europe. A number of large German firms such as Siemens and Volkswagen have invested directly in Israel and large numbers of tourists make the journey between the two countries. In the light of such warm relations, it is perhaps somewhat surprising that Germany has not made more of an impact in peace negotiations. It would appear that the German Government is generally happy to maintain its warm relationship with the Israeli state and let the US and on occasion its European neighbours deal with the intricacies of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Of course, relations between the two will always be marked by the past. As President Kohler said at a speech at the Knesset in 2005: Between Germany and Israel there can never be what is called normality. However who would have thought 40 years ago that our countries would develop so well in a spirit of friendship? Today, not only our Governments work well together. Our relations are characterized by friendship between many people in our two countries(p1 40 Years Diplomatic Relations between Germany and Israel, German Embassy Document). French foreign relations with Israel have been dictated by a generally pragmatic approach. A former colonial power in the region following the breakup of the Ottoman Empire, France has longstanding ties with both Syria and Lebanon and has attempted to maintain cultural and educational links with both after granting independence in spite of its sometimes changeable relationship with Israel. France damaged its relations with the Arab world when it openly opposed Nasser during the Suez crisis and supported the Israeli attack on the Sinai Peninsula. Indeed, throughout the 1950s, France remained one of Israels closest allies, offering regular support at the United Nations and providing the Israeli military with large shipments of arms, including the Mirage jets that would prove to be so effective in the1967 War. The psychology of French support for Israel can to some extent be compared to that of Germany. Following the War there was a collective feeling of guilt across France for the collaboration of the Vichy Government with the Nazis, and although reparations were not made as with the Germans, support through diplomacy offered a different way of consolation. The de Gaulle Presidency however sparked a dramatic shift in Frances relations with Israel. The new President was less inclined to follow the US line on the international stage and saw smaller nations within both Africa and the Middle East as potential allies for France as it looked to establish itself as the leader of a group of non-aligned nations. De Gaulle was willing to sacrifice the previously close relationship with Israel to achieve this aim. France under de Gaulle came out as strongly opposed to the 1967 War, criticising the occupation of Palestinian areas and the Israeli treatment of refugees as well as refusing to recognise the Israeli control of Jerusalem. For the next 25 years, France refused to sell any significant military equipment to the Israelis, only recommencing sales following a policy shift in the mid 1990s. (Britain likewise was for considerable time a reluctant sellers of arms to Israel, imposing an embargo after the 1982 invasion of Lebanon which was only lifted in the spring of 1994). In the aftermath of the war, French opposition to Israel became more pronounced in diplomatic circles, opposing Israeli actions and operations elsewhere such as its attacks on the PLO in Lebanon. At the United Nations, France began to side with Arab states and use its Security Council veto against Israel. Chapter Three European Policy from 1967. The war of 1967 had consequences for Israel largely as decisive as had the war in 1948-49. It left Israel firmly in control of all the land of mandatory Palestine, in control of large areas of Syrian and Egyptian territory and established as firmly the most powerful actor in the region. Military forces of its enemies in the region had been decimated and Israel controlled the future of east Jerusalem, the West Bank, the Sinai Desert and the Golan Heights. Additionally it enjoyed the overwhelming support of Western public opinion (p82 Fraser 2004). Events in the years following the 1967 war were largely based around Israels relations with the rest of the Arab world and the US. The end of the Cold War left the US in a position of dominance in the region and whilst some of the peace talks over the next two decades were held on European soil it has to be acknowledged that the US was the driving force behind the talks. European governments and the EU itself would begin to play a more influential role as the modern day peace process unravelled, but certainly during the 1970s and 1980s, European leaders can claim little success in resolving the on-going conflict. The Yom Kippur War in 1973 had been the most notable event between 1967and the Madrid talks of 1991. It was a conflict set against a backdrop of Superpower manoeuvrings as the US and the Soviet Union sought to consolidate their positions in the region. European policy at the time was almost was torn by its reliance on American support for NATO and the need to maintain good relations with the oil- producing states in the Gulf. The outcome of this was a lack of any decisive policy linked to either side. Egypts President Sadat may well have reached his decision to launch the war with the politics of the Cold War in mind. Shlomo indeed suggests that Sadats strategy did not aim at military victoryhis war was a political move made by military meansall he wanted was to unleash a political process by shaking Israels complacency and forcing the superpowers to reactivate a search for a settlement. (p145 Shlomo B, Scars of War, Wounds of Peace 2005). Europes greatest concern at the time would have been the effect that war in the Middle East would have on its oil supplies, along with worries that the conflict could spark an escalation of the Cold War. By October 1973, the Soviet Union was making noises about intervening on behalf of its Arab allies and the Organisation of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) had announced a reduction in oil production until Israel agreed to withdraw from the land it had gained in the 1967war. A further total embargo soon followed on the United States and on the Netherlands which crucially supplied much of western Europe through the port at Rotterdam. For European nations the consequences were potentially dire, As Fraser states as the United States had become ante importer of oil with no capacity to ease the problems of her allies, the problems likely to face the Western economies were known tube severe (p98 Fraser 2004). The eventual ceasefire came largely through US/Soviet diplomacy, leaving Israel with an overall military victory but without the aura of military invincibility that it had held previously. What the outcome of the war clearly showed was that the US was now the major power brokering the region. The influence that the British and the French has held only a few decades earlier had all but gone. For Europe, the 1973 war should have focussed minds more clearly on a long-term resolution tithe Arab-Israeli dispute bearing the economic cost that continued conflict could bring. There is however, little evidence in the following decade that European leaders concentrated on this. As Shlomo accurately concludes it was indeed the combination of the unexpectedly good performance of the Arab armies in the early stages of the war, Israels psychological setbacks and the diplomatic skills of Henry Kissinger, who knew how to use and manipulate the military impasse in order to produce an exclusively Ame rican-sponsored political process, that made the 1973 war into the major watershed that it was (p145Shlomo 2005). The Camp David Summit in 1978 give an indication as to how far removed European politicians had become from the politics of the Middle East. The talks tackled firstly the on-going Israeli-Egyptian dispute and also looked to find a breakthrough on the Palestinian issue. The outcome of the talks is subject to debate. One view is that whilst President Carter and his team were making genuine attempts to find a peaceful solution that would be acceptable to all parties, the overall effect was to further disengage the Palestinians. Fraser writes: the Palestinians of the West Bank and Gaza saw Camp David as the ultimate betrayal by their most powerful ally, condemning them to permanent Israeli military occupation. Their view was widely shared in the Middle East (p121 Fraser 2004). Other commentators take a more positive attitude suggesting that the talks produced a revolutionary platform for all the fundamental principles and components that would be at the heart of the 1993 Oslo peace accords. Shlomo takes this view, arguing: concepts that would be so central to the Oslo process such as a Palestinian full autonomy, Israels withdrawal to the West Bank to specific military locations. were all laid down at Camp David.truly historic expressions of very far reaching consequences were introduced into the language of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process (p169Shlomo 2005). Certainly Camp David made some important steps forward and perhaps most importantly put the possibility of peace at some pointing the future back on the table. From a European foreign policy viewpoint this would be a positive development; playing a more active role in future talks was something policy makers would have to work tow ards. The next major initiative in terms of peace talks came with the Madrid Peace Conference in 1991. By then, the demise of the Soviet Union had seen huge changes in the balances of power across Europe and the rest of the world. Israel and the Middle East were no longer at the centre of a bi-polar struggle for power that was rarely conducive to peaceful settlement. Shlomo sums this up well stating, bipolarity condemned the conflict to oscillate between paralysis and decline(p174 Shlomo 2005). The huge transformation in the structure of international relations provided opportunities for the West to explore new avenues for peace in the Middle East. Europe could look to develop policies that it felt most suitable for the region independently of its Cold War ally. Whilst the US remained resolutely on the Israeli side of the fence in the majority of negotiations around the Palestinians, Europe could afford, if it wished, to lean towards the Palestinians. The Madrid Conference by its very location had some sort of connection to Europe, yet again it was a process largely driven by the US. The fact that PLO representatives were not allowed to attend due to Israeli objections give some indication as to the US view of the opposing parties. Chomsky cites the Madrid Conference and the Declaration of Principles that emerged from it as an example of US dominance and European impotence in dealing with the Israeli-Palestinian question. He argues that the philosophy of the Bush regime at the time of Madrid(and not coincidentally the Gulf War) was one of what we say goes. Chomsky concludes of Madrid and subsequent events: The world now accepted the guiding principle of the New World Order: what we says goes, at least in the Middle East. Europe backed away. Its only further role was to facilitate further US rejectionist programmes, as Norway did in 1993. The Soviet Union was gone. The Third world was in disarray, in part as a result of the economic catastrophe of the 1980s. The United States was at last free to implement the basic principles it had held in isolation for twenty years: 1) no international conference; 2) no right of self-determination for thePalestinians2 (p190 Chomsky N, Middle East Illusions 2003). The Oslo Accords made some progress in the search for peace, but again, Europes role in the process can only be described as limited. There was an opportunity for Europe to play a more decisive role in the peace process at the beginning of the 1990s social transformation in Israel and a realisation by the Palestinians that they could not impose their conditions on the Israelis had altered the political background. Added to the dramatic changes in the structure of global politics at the time and there was a distinct possibility in the months leading up to the Oslo Accords that there was a readiness on both sides for compromise in the search for peace. The Gulf War, to which Europe had committed itself, had also led many ordinary Israelis towards a greater willingness to compromise. The fact that many had been forced to evacuate the cities in fear of Scud missile attacks appeared to be valid argument for peace in the region. The Oslo accords were ultimately driven by US president Bill Clinton, who whilst conveying a genuine mission to accomplish peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians, could not be described as neutral in his views. Shlomo writes that whilst the previous Bush-Baker team had displayed no particular sympathy towards the Jewish lobbies, Clinton, however, lost no time in positioning himself as a staunch friend of Israel and of the Jewish people (p207 Shlomo 2005) Edward Said is another commentator to dismiss Oslo as a creation of the US-Israeli lobby, again implying that there was a failure by Europe to involve itself in the process and protect the interests of the Palestinians. Said argues that US and Israeli led peace process simply encourages a disparity to grow between the actualities and rhetoric of peace. As Said concludes of the Oslo Accords: Because the United States, the worlds only superpower, has been the sponsor and the keeper of the peace process, as it has come to be known, the arrangements agreed by Yaris Arafat and three Israeli Prime Ministers (Rabin, Peres, Netanyahu) have become synonymous with peace, the only game in town and the real problems on the ground either papered over or ignored (p312, Said, E, The End of the Peace Process, Oslo and After, 2001). This view and that of others sympathetic to the Palestinians is that European indifference has led to the peace process during the 1990s be dictated by an US/Israeli agenda, an indication of European failings. Europe has at least established itself as one of the Quartet, along with the US, Russia and the United Nations for overseeing the implementation of the 2003 road map for peace. As with previous peace plans, much of the thinking behind it has come from the US, but on this occasion Europe undertook a more visible role in what was a more imaginative attempt at finding a breakthrough. Finding a consensus amongst the four parties within the Quartet is of course difficult as Hollis writes, the trouble, of course, is that each of the key players has a different interpretation of how to implement it and all believe that unless and until the US is engaged it could languish in abeyance indefinitely (p193 International Affairs 80). Europe also faces the difficult issue of how the different member states of the EU would like to see the transatlantic alliance work in the post-Cold War era. New states, particularly those from the east remain grateful to the US for its support against the Soviet Union and Britain, particularly since September 11 and over the war with Iraq has stood firm with the US. Other members are less inclined to go along with US policy and this can hinder a united response from Quartet members in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian situation. Obviously, Europe, as a member of the Quartet has an obligation to ensure that the process is not side-tracked according to US or Israeli wishes. Within its role in the Quartet, and as a co-author of the roadmap, the EU has a right and a duty to distance itself from twists in US policy such as support in 2005 for Sharons plans for a unilateral disengagement. Aside from the traditional European powers of Britain, Germany and France, the other nation to at least attempt to play an active role in the peace process has been Spain. Along with Latin America, the Mediterranean region has been one of its traditional areas of foreign and security policy concern and it has attempted to foster both bilateral and EU-based links with the region. During the Spanish Presidencies of the EU in 1989 and 1995, Spain attempted, with limited success, to place the Israeli-Palestinian dispute even higher on the Eugenia (p120 Manners and Whitman, The Foreign Policies of European Union Member States, 2000). Spain also proposed a Conference on Security and Cooperation in the Mediterranean in the early 1990s and of course was the host for the Madrid Conference in 1991 that instigated the peace process. There were noticeable changes to Spanish policy towards Israel during the 1990s, partly to bring it in line with other EC member states. Under Franco and subsequent governments, Spanish policy had been openly pro-Arab. During its application to the EC the Dutch had insisted that one of the terms for Spanish entry was that it would have an exchange of ambassadors with Israel and thus in 1986 the Socialist Government formally established diplomatic relations with Israel. Finally, in analysing the attitudes of individual European nation towards Israel since 1967, it is important to return to the theories of Europes particular line of public opinion towards Israel. Certainly sections of the European media and political movements can appear to almost enjoy Israeli moral excesses in a way that is not applied to human rights violation elsewhere in the world. Greilsammer and Weiler suggest that this is a way for Europe to deal with the past it is almost a lifting of a burden of guilt when Israel joins the rank of oppressors. Another argument is that different standards are applied to Israel than would be to other nations in the Middle East due to the fact that it is seen as belonging to the advanced liberal world of which Western Europe sees itself at the centre. Whether such a view is seen as a positive s attitude towards Israel or a sign of latent racism towards the Arab world is a separate issue, but the European media attitude towards Israel would support this theory. Certainly, Israel is not seen as entirely foreign to Western Europeans. Francois Duchene writes that Jews are a major part of the fabric of European history and contemporary life Israel, at least initially, was virtually transplant of liberal European culture in the Middle East (P11,Greilsammer and Wailer). The view that Israel is almost an outpost of Europe within the Middle East seems certain to have had some effect on European policy makers. Chapter Four The European Union and Israel The EU as a body has developed a wide range of policies towards Israel, with some policies focussing specifically on relations with Israel, others in relation to the Palestinian areas and a distinct policy towards the peace process itself. The Middle East peace process has been one area in which some member states of the European Union have largely been able to find common ground in recent years, yet as an organisation it has continued to bow to US influence. It can certainly be argued that as an organisation it has been more sympathetic to the Palestinian cause than individual member states and unquestionably the US. Whilst the Essen declaration in December 1994 established that Israel should enjoy special status in its relations with the EU on the basis of ferocity and common interest, other declarations have focussed on the rights of the Palestinians. The European Community endorsed the Palestinian right to self-determination through the Venice Declaration of 1980 (Hollis p193International Affairs 80) and for the next two decades took the lead in articulating the requirement for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Other EU declarations have indicated similar sentiments. The Berlin Declaration in March 1999 supported the possibility of a viable Palestinian state, stating: The European Union is convinced that the creation of a democratic, viable and peaceful sovereign Palestinian state on the basis of existing agreements and through negotiations would be the best guarantee of Israels security and Israels acceptance as an equal partner in the region and the Seville declaration made in June 2002strongly reiterates the EU views of resolving the conflict: a settlement can be achieved through negotiation and only through negotiation. The objective is an end to the occupation and the early establishment of a democratic, viable, peaceful and sovereign State of Palestine, on the basis of the 1967 borders. The end result should be two states living side by side within secure and recognised borders enjoying normal relations with their neighbours. In this context, affair solution should be found to the complex issue of Jerusalem and adjust, viable and agreed solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees . Such declarations obviously express the best intentions for the region but in themselves can be a part explanation to the EUs policy failings in the region declarations express the desire for an almost utopian scenario that really fail to grasp the bitter nature of the dispute. The EU has fine words on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but more often than not lacks the ability to put its declarations into action. Where it has failed has been in pushing forward the solution independently the EU has had to wait for the US to come on board with this idea before it could be pushed forward as a viable solution. The EU at present maintains that the achievement of a lasting peace in the region is own of its central aims and sees a two-state solution based on the implementation of the Road Map, with a peaceful, democratic Palestinian state living alongside an Israel with similar characteristics. Within this solution, the EU aims for a fair and accepted solution to the issue of Jerusalem, a viable solution to the problem of Palestinian refugees and solutions to Israels relations with both Syria and Lebanon. There are a number of other frameworks in place for EU relations with Israel. The EUs European Neighbourhood Policy is designed to share with neighbouring countries the political, security and economic benefits of the EU enlargement in 2004. A country report is completed for each of the neighbouring states upon which negotiations are based for commitments and measures to further improve relations with each other. An EU/Israel Action Plan has also been drawn up to encourage furthering of both economic and political cooperation between the two. The plan makes clear that the EU has a close affinity with Israel stating The EU and Israel share the common values of democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law and basic freedoms. Both parties are committed to the struggle against all forms of anti-Semitism, racism and xenophobia. Historically and culturally, there exist great natural affinity and common heritage. Thus we strive to build bridges and networks. (p1, EU/Israel Action Plan). There are some important points made here that reflect on the whole relationship between Europe and Israel. It can be argued that many Europeans see Israel as almost a European partner based in an Arab part of the world. With a commitment towards values such as democracy that are not as inherent within the Arab world, there is a feeling that Israel is part of the European family. The fact that many Israeli citizens have migrated from Europe or are the descendants of European Jews is also important. There may be wide range of views on the Israel-Palestine question but at the heart of policy making towards Isr ael there will always be a feeling of closer affinity from Europeans to the Israelis than to the Palestinians. The Action Plan lists a number of priorities for action, among them: An enhanced political dialogue and cooperation based on shared values, including issues such as facilitating efforts to resolve the Middle East conflict, strengthening the fight against terrorism and proliferation of Weapons of Mss Destruction Increased economic integration with the EU through developing trade and investment flows Greater cooperation on migration-related issues, the fight against organised crime and a greater level of police and judicial cooperation The promotion of cooperation in transport, energy and telecom networks; in the area of science and technology, promotion of the information society by use of new technology Strengthened cooperation on environmental policies and the development of sustainable development policies and actions in areas such as water pollution and climate change Perhaps the most important part of the Action Plan relates specifically towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Plan sets out a requirement for further cooperation in progressing towards comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflicts and lists some important aspects of this. Firstly it stresses the need for Israel to work with the EU on both a bilateral basis and as part of the Quartet to reach a permanent two state resolution. The Plan also supports the efforts of the Palestinian Authority to dismantle all terrorist capabilities and infrastructure to ensure a complete end to all violence in the region. In relation to Israeli aggression against civilians, the Action Plan is also quite explicit, stating: while recognising Israels right of self-defence, the importance of adherence to international law, and the need to preserve the perspective of a viable, comprehensive settlement, minimising the impact of security and counter-terrorism measures on the civilian population, facilitate the secure and safe movement of civilians and goods, safeguarding to the maximum possible, property, institutions and infrastructure (p6EU/Israeli Action Plan). This is effectively a statement expressing thee Us displeasure at Israeli military operations that effect civilian Palestinian populations. Again, this may be a case of EU words rather than actions but it continues to indicate that as an organisation, thee is likely to be more critical of Israel than individual nations. Another important document regarding EU policy towards Israel is thee-Israel Association Agreement that forms the legal basis governing relations between the two. The Association Agreement was originally signed in November 1995 before actually coming into effect from June2000. It incorporates free trade arrangements for industrial goods, concessions for trade in agricultural goods and offers the prospect of greater liberalisation in trade in services and farm goods. As with practically all of the EUs agreements with Israel, the Association Agreement emphasises the importance of the principles of the United Nations Charter, in particular the observance of human rights, democratic principles and economic freedom (p1 Euro-Mediterranean Agreement, Official Journal of the European Communities 21.06.2000). In a similar vein, the EU in recent years has developed a number of specific policies for its relations to Palestinians aside from on-going developments within the peace process. Again it should be clarified that such policies are taken into the context of the EUs support for the roadmap principles and the desire for a democratic, viable and independent Palestinian state, living peacefully alongside Israel. An Interim Association Agreement was adopted soon after the Oslo Accords and has run alongside a considerable programme of financial assistance. Financial aid dates back to 1971 when the European Community began its contribution to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). Following the Venice Declaration in 1980 the EU has provided funding for a number onto health, agriculture and education projects and following the Oslo Peace Accords, a donor mechanism was established which has contributed more than 2 billion euros to the Occupied Territories to date. The amounts donated by the EU do show an impressive commitment to humanitarian assistance in the region between 1994 and 2002 the Contributed over 1.5 billion euros to the region, with bilateral assistance by member states totalling around 2.5 billion euros. As with Israel, the Palestinian Authority has been included as partner country within the European Neighbourhood Process and has been accorded a similar country report as other nations. Again, as with Israel, the EU has stated policy aims within an action plan that includes the perspective of greater integration and the possibility for the Palestinian Authority to engage in all aspects of EU policies and programmes, an upgrade in political cooperation and the convergence of economic legislation. Priorities for action within the plan have included: Facilitating efforts to resolve the Middle East conflict and alleviate the humanitarian solution Enhancing political dialogue and cooperation based on shared values, combining in the fight against terrorism and also the fight against racism and xenophobia, particularly anti-Semitism and Islam phobia Strengthening institutions and further reinforcing administrative capacity Organising elections in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in accordance with international standards Building on progress made in establishing an accountable system of public finances Developing trade relations with the Palestinian Authority and progress with economic and regulatory reform plans Trade between the Israel and the EU is an important factor in the relationship between the two. The EU is now established as Israels number one trading partner with bilateral trade in 2004 (excluding diamonds) exceeding 15 billion euros. 33 per cent of Israels exports went to the EU in 2004, with 40 per cent of imports arriving from thee. For EU member states, Israel is similarly an important trading partner. The trade with Israel of the member states in 2004 reached21.36 billion euros. Imports from Israel were 8.6 billion euros with exports out reaching 12.75 billion euros. There are clearly sound economic reasons for the EU to maintain a positive relationship with Israel. Chapter Five The Way Forward Europe continues to face a number of difficulties in making a positive impression on the Arab-Israeli peace process. Its continuing association with the US continues to reflect poorly in Arab eyes, something that has been exacerbated by the war in Iraq, whilst the Israeli leadership tends to see any criticism of its polices as simple anti-Semitism (Hollis, p192 International Affairs 80), an attitude that offers little hope for normal diplomatic relations of constructive engagement. Europe should be looking to take steps to rectify its previous policy failings and attempt to break rather than perpetuate the stalemate that currently exists. The EU and its member states should take on board imaginative solutions, outside of the US line of thought. As Hollis concludes By volunteering to take some innovative steps and risk themselves, and to share the burden of reconfiguring the prevailing regional dynamic with both the Arabs and the Israelis, the Europeans could turn what is at present a zero-sum configuration into a win-win situation (Hollis, p199 International Affairs 80). The EU has to present itself as a political entity that is supportive of the road map and a two state solution yet is free of the double standard (i.e. one standard for the Israelis and one standard for the Palestinians) that has for so long been adopted by the Americans. There is a major donor of aid to the Palestinians and a major trading partner of Israel it should be able to win the trust of and influence both sides. It should also be respected as an actor in global affairs that does not base its foreign policy on the threat of the use of overwhelming force. As Claim correctly points out: Europe, precisely because it does not rely to the same extent as America on military power to bring about political change, enjoys more credibility as an actor on the international stage. It also enjoys greater legitimacy because of its respect for international law and international institutions, its values of cooperation and conflict resolution, and its record in promoting democracy and human rights (p3 Claim 2005). If necessary, the EU should be prepared to act independently from the US or even other members of the Quartet to find a resolution to the conflict. The view that only an American led solution can resolve the conflict in the Middle East is wrong perhaps more so the longer that the occupation of Iraq goes on. As Hollis points out: yet because the United States has its hands full with Iraq and electioneering on the home front, Washington is letting the situation ride. In these circumstances Europe could actually breathe impasse by reframing its relationship with Israel (Hollis p192International Affairs 80) There is little trust of the US in the region. Britain unfortunately has largely gone along the same road as the US in destroying its reputation in the Arab world and whilst it could play a part in a Initiative it is unlikely that it would be a popular candidate to take the lead. France and Germany may also be out of the equation because of the perceptions of their close links with the Arabs and the Israelis respectively. Spain, as mentioned earlier as the fourth EU member state with history of involvement in the regions politics, is a more acceptable candidate to lead a EU initiative. It has previously developed close ties with both Jewish communities and the Arab world, it is respected as a state committed to international law and order and has been a successful host of the Madrid and Barcelona peace conferences. Britain has to some extent moved away from the EU and closer to the US position most recently, with Prime Minister Blair making the decision to associate himself with the Bush-Sharon pact. This in itself was astringe policy decision by the British Blair had indeed previously played a part in actually persuading Bush of the need for an international initiative to resolve the Palestinian problem in the lead-up to the invasion of Iraq. Quite rightly, Blair has been criticised for his alignment with Bush and Sharon. Avid Claim delivers withering condemnation, stating: By lining up behind Bush in his blind support for Sharon, Blair dealt a serious blow to the hopes of negotiated settlement. He also abandoned the Palestinians to the tender mercies of General Sharon. This was the second greatest betrayal of the Palestinian people since the Balfour Declaration of 1917 and there have been many others in between (p2, Claim A, Europe and the Israeli Palestinian Conflict, 2005). There are of course self-serving interests for Europeans to seek out absolution to the conflict. Hollis argues, in official circles the view prevails that continued failure to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is detrimental to regional stability and a spur to the recruitment of Islamic terrorists (Hollis p195 International Affairs80). Certainly, Europes geographical proximity to the Middle East along with the established Muslim and Jewish communities within the Boundaries suggest that an on-going and unresolved conflict poses potentially greater and more immediate danger to the social stability of Europe than it does to the US. There is reason to believe also that both ordinary Palestinians and all but the most militant of leaders would accept a more decisive European intervention into the conflict. Certainly the positive response of the Palestinian Authority to aspects of the Quartets road map suggests that there is still a desire for peace. A survey undertaken in late 2004 showed that 92 per cent of respondents supported fundamental political reform in the Palestinian Authority, 79 per cent were in favour of a mutual cessation of violence with Israel and 72 per cent favour reconciliation between the two peoples (p5 Claim 2005). Such evidence should at least very least give European leaders an incentive to continue the search for a peaceful resolution. The EU has consistently offered a combination of inducements alongside threats to other Middle East nations that cause concern, for example Iran. The same principles can be applied elsewhere, including Israel. As Hollis suggests on various occasions, including with respect to Iran, Syria, Libya and the Palestinians, the Europeans have played good cop to Washingtons bad cop except with Israel where the roles have been more or less reversed. The Europeans could transform the chemistry of European-Israeli relations and thence the configuration of the conflict if they gave serious consideration to finding their own inducements to Israel instead of relying solely on threats. (p392 International Relations 80) It would seem that Europes future position within the peace process will be a closer alignment with the Palestinians that that of the US which remains entrenched in its pro-Israel stance. There is evidence to support this. As recently as November 2005 a EU report suggested that European governments should consider direct intervention in an attempt to curb the systematic measures being undertaken by Israel to increase its control in the Arab sector of Eastern Jerusalem. The report views East Jerusalem as the future capital of any Palestinian state and is highly critical of Israeli expansion in and around the area which could seriously jeopardise any prospects of a two state solution between the Israelis and the Palestinians. (Macintyre D, The Independent November25 2005). Ultimately, a positive EU role in promoting a viable two state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is in the best interests of all parties. Israel would be able to move forward and bring an end to its seemingly infinite commitment to a costly occupation of another people and the Palestinians would be able to reach their goals of independence and statehood. Above all of this, it would help remove much of the Muslim anger in the world against the West. The war in Iraq may currently be a strong focus for such hostility but historically it has been the Wests inability or unwillingness to challenge the status quo between the Israelis and the Palestinians that has fuelled anti-Western sentiment. Chapter Six Conclusion Within the debate over European involvement in the Middle East peace process, as with any foreign policy initiative, there are of course questions to be answered simply about an ethical duty to follow humanitarian foreign policy. Intervention on the behalf of the Palestinians can arguably come within this remit. Self-interest will naturally always be at the heart of European foreign policy yet there should be some form of moral value to policies. The Cold War may have seen foreign policy designed to protect individual nations from the threats from competitors, but as Webber argues, in recent years the agenda of foreign policy has become increasingly congested as the processes of regionalisation, transnationalism and globalisation have accelerated (p42 Webber and Smith, Foreign Policy in a Transformed World 2002). Do wealthier western nations have an obligation to take an ethical lead and promote values within foreign policy? Commentators such as Guehenno argue that this is the case, and suggests that the Emma have to take up a more pronounced role in this field of foreign policy as America no longer has the means to be the benevolent guardian of world order (p14 Guehenno J, The End of the Nation State1999). Guehenno goes onto to suggest that whilst the EU may have difficulties in establishing a common interest in terms of foreign policy, it has to look away from simple national self-interest. In fairness to the EU, its recent policies towards both Israel and the Palestinian Authority, particularly in terms of financial assistance, can be said to have been ethically based. European policy, not just from 1967 but from the earliest days of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been muddled, inconsistent and often quite simply wrong. The major European powers have allowed a combination of self-interest and indifference to dictate their approach to the region for much of the time, and without question, Europe has abdicated responsibility for finding a viable settlement to the US long periods since 1967. All of the peace talks since 1967 have been dominated by US visions for the future of the region; leading European politicians and the EU itself have showed little imagination in devising a solution. With its undisguised affinity with the Israelis, various US sponsored initiatives have failed to bring about a successful resolution to the conflict and without a determined effort by the EU and its members states, the dispute could well continue interminably. Europe has to change the whole ethos of its policy towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and offer an alternative view than that of the US. This does not mean disregarding the Israeli viewpoint in favour of that of the Palestinians it simply means displaying a greater objectivity, commitment to the two state solution and a resolve to ensure that Israel shows a greater regard for Palestinian human rights. A viable solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would reap huge benefits for all involved. For Europe, a potentially explosive conflict on its doorstep would at last be resolved and the stability in the region would benefit trade. It would also ease some concerns about access to Middle East oil. From a more ethical point of view, are solution could bring an end to the suffering of both the Israelis and the Palestinians and reduce some of the anger towards the West felt in the Arab world. For all the differences that they have, living in peace must be a preferred option to living in a permanent state of conflict. Evidence from the region indicates that the majority of the population are in favour of a peace deal. A focussed, fair and workable solution will be extraordinarily difficult to achieve but if it could be found it would be a magnificent contribution to one of the worlds most bitter and protracted conflicts. Selling a deal to militants on both sides is a challenge totes the most committed of peacemakers but it is a challenge that should be taken forward. Europe and the US between them have failed both the Israelis and Palestinians to date. Regardless of US strategies for Israel in the future, achieving peace is a cause that Europe should not give up on. 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